| Περίληψη: | The present thesis offers a thorough examination of Modern Greek distributive determiner (o) kathe (every, each, any) nominal phrases and accounts for the different readings of these expressions. Kathe NPs exhibit a universal distributive every reading (definite use), a Free Choice any (indefinite use) and a kind interpretation. O kathe NPs exhibit a universal distributive each reading (familiar and definite use), a Free Choice any and an Indiscriminative Free Choice just any reading (indefinite uses). In line with previous proposals for every, I suggest that kathe determiners do not lexicalize a universal operator. Following Szabolcsi (2010) on every NPs, I argue that (o) kathe NPs are (inherently) indefinite expressions (in the sense of Heim 1982) that make part of a quantificational concord. A distributive operator binds the element variables of their NP set; a clause-typing operator in the left periphery, a Definiteness, a Generic or a Modal Operator binds the context set variables of the NP, rendering a universal, a kind or an FC reading to the expression, accordingly. The presence of different sentential operators under C determines the readings that arise. I argue that binding by these operators corresponds to two Agree operations in syntax: One is between the Distributive operator in C and Q on the DP as well as with Aspect on the vP. The other one is between the sentential operator and the relevant feature on Q but also on TP/ vP. The quantificational chains formed are argued to be, to some extent, similar to that of wh- chains.
In Chapter 1, I present the essential syntactic and semantic background, as well as an outline of my proposal to the riddle of every and (o)kathe NPs interpretational variability. In Chapter 2, I discuss and analyze the syntax of Determiner Phrases and Quantifier Phrases and in particular the syntactic structure of Greek kathe, o kathe, oli i NPs, as well as that of English every, each, all and all the NPs. In Chapter 3 I investigate the different readings the kathe and o kathe NPs give rise to and the semantics behind that, as well as previous approaches on the issue. In Chapter 4, I explain the interpretational variability of the expression in hand as a result of the binding of the NPs’ context set variables by different Operators (a Definiteness, a Generic or a Modal Operator) and Operation Agree. In Chapter 5, I discuss how the theory proposed for Greek kathe, o kathe and English every, each NPs could explain relevant phenomena of quantificational variability in Chinese and Japanese, as well as Greek Polarity phenomena. In Chapter 6, I conclude the discussion.
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