Morphology: the base processor
One of the motivations behind the Lexical Integrity Hypothesis (LIH) was to draw a distinction between word structure and phrase structure as evidence for a separate morphological component. In this study, we claim that drawing such a line between morphology and syntax is not contingent on whether w...
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Mediterranean Morphology Meetings (MMM)
2016
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Διαθέσιμο Online: | https://pasithee.library.upatras.gr/mmm/article/view/2727 |
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oai:ojs.pasithee.library.upatras.gr:article-27272019-09-11T07:09:36Z Morphology: the base processor Kunduracı, Aysun Göksel, Aslı lexical integrity; autonomous morphology; base types One of the motivations behind the Lexical Integrity Hypothesis (LIH) was to draw a distinction between word structure and phrase structure as evidence for a separate morphological component. In this study, we claim that drawing such a line between morphology and syntax is not contingent on whether word structure can be built on purely morphological items; rather, the crucial issue seems to be whether an operation is manipulated by a dedicated morphological mechanism, and on the properties of the output(s). We start from the premise that morphological well-formedness cannot be derived from syntax: morphology (the word-formation component) must be autonomous with its own principles (as in Anderson 1992, Aronoff 1994, Beard 1995, Pounder 2000 among others). We then turn our attention to the function of morphology. We show that a morphological component responsible for creating and inflecting lexemes and performing activities upon syntactic and prosodic phrases is necessary. When performing its tasks, morphology uses base operations and provides the bases on which morphological processes (i.e. word-formation and inflection processes) operate. Moreover, we show that these bases can be stems, word-forms, syntactic constituents, and prosodic constituents. Thus one aspect of the LIH which does not allow postsyntactic morphology (No-Phrase Constraint, Botha 1983) must be eliminated so that we can account for both simple and complex outputs of morphology. We conclude that the fact that complex morphological expressions are possible does not necessarily show that there is no (need for a) morphological component. Rather, morphology is the only component in which base operations take place to generate word formations. Mediterranean Morphology Meetings (MMM) 2016-09-01 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://pasithee.library.upatras.gr/mmm/article/view/2727 10.26220/mmm.2727 Mediterranean Morphology Meetings; Vol 10 (2016): Quo vadis morphology?; 88-97 Mediterranean Morphology Meeting; Vol 10 (2016): Quo vadis morphology?; 88-97 1826-7491 eng https://pasithee.library.upatras.gr/mmm/article/view/2727/2990 |
institution |
UPatras |
collection |
Pasithee |
language |
English |
topic |
0 0 0 suspended affixation; Lexical Integrity Hypothesis; derivational suffixes; coordination 0 0 0 0 constructed words; L2 Greek; prefix; conceptual salience; consistency judgement 0 0 0 roots; Hebrew; Spanish; cross-linguistic 0 diminutives; verbs; French; Modern Greek 0 0 0 0 motion events; typological change; Latin linguistics; sytem; usage 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 reciprocals; reflexives; templates; Hebrew; collective and distributive; root 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 features; morphology; periphrasis 0 0 compound formation; morphological productivity; productivity measures; corpus-based statistical methods 0 0 0 0 lexical integrity; autonomous morphology; base types 0 0 0 0 0 0 sign language; two-handed signs; motivation in phonology; duality of patterning 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 lexicalization; memorization; adjective-noun combinations 0 0 compounding; Italian; overabundance; number inflection 0 0 0 0 |
spellingShingle |
0 0 0 suspended affixation; Lexical Integrity Hypothesis; derivational suffixes; coordination 0 0 0 0 constructed words; L2 Greek; prefix; conceptual salience; consistency judgement 0 0 0 roots; Hebrew; Spanish; cross-linguistic 0 diminutives; verbs; French; Modern Greek 0 0 0 0 motion events; typological change; Latin linguistics; sytem; usage 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 reciprocals; reflexives; templates; Hebrew; collective and distributive; root 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 features; morphology; periphrasis 0 0 compound formation; morphological productivity; productivity measures; corpus-based statistical methods 0 0 0 0 lexical integrity; autonomous morphology; base types 0 0 0 0 0 0 sign language; two-handed signs; motivation in phonology; duality of patterning 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 lexicalization; memorization; adjective-noun combinations 0 0 compounding; Italian; overabundance; number inflection 0 0 0 0 Kunduracı, Aysun Göksel, Aslı Morphology: the base processor |
topic_facet |
0 0 0 suspended affixation; Lexical Integrity Hypothesis; derivational suffixes; coordination 0 0 0 0 constructed words; L2 Greek; prefix; conceptual salience; consistency judgement 0 0 0 roots; Hebrew; Spanish; cross-linguistic 0 diminutives; verbs; French; Modern Greek 0 0 0 0 motion events; typological change; Latin linguistics; sytem; usage 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 reciprocals; reflexives; templates; Hebrew; collective and distributive; root 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 features; morphology; periphrasis 0 0 compound formation; morphological productivity; productivity measures; corpus-based statistical methods 0 0 0 0 lexical integrity; autonomous morphology; base types 0 0 0 0 0 0 sign language; two-handed signs; motivation in phonology; duality of patterning 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 lexicalization; memorization; adjective-noun combinations 0 0 compounding; Italian; overabundance; number inflection 0 0 0 0 |
format |
Online |
author |
Kunduracı, Aysun Göksel, Aslı |
author_facet |
Kunduracı, Aysun Göksel, Aslı |
author_sort |
Kunduracı, Aysun |
title |
Morphology: the base processor |
title_short |
Morphology: the base processor |
title_full |
Morphology: the base processor |
title_fullStr |
Morphology: the base processor |
title_full_unstemmed |
Morphology: the base processor |
title_sort |
morphology: the base processor |
description |
One of the motivations behind the Lexical Integrity Hypothesis (LIH) was to draw a distinction between word structure and phrase structure as evidence for a separate morphological component. In this study, we claim that drawing such a line between morphology and syntax is not contingent on whether word structure can be built on purely morphological items; rather, the crucial issue seems to be whether an operation is manipulated by a dedicated morphological mechanism, and on the properties of the output(s). We start from the premise that morphological well-formedness cannot be derived from syntax: morphology (the word-formation component) must be autonomous with its own principles (as in Anderson 1992, Aronoff 1994, Beard 1995, Pounder 2000 among others). We then turn our attention to the function of morphology. We show that a morphological component responsible for creating and inflecting lexemes and performing activities upon syntactic and prosodic phrases is necessary. When performing its tasks, morphology uses base operations and provides the bases on which morphological processes (i.e. word-formation and inflection processes) operate. Moreover, we show that these bases can be stems, word-forms, syntactic constituents, and prosodic constituents. Thus one aspect of the LIH which does not allow postsyntactic morphology (No-Phrase Constraint, Botha 1983) must be eliminated so that we can account for both simple and complex outputs of morphology. We conclude that the fact that complex morphological expressions are possible does not necessarily show that there is no (need for a) morphological component. Rather, morphology is the only component in which base operations take place to generate word formations. |
publisher |
Mediterranean Morphology Meetings (MMM) |
publishDate |
2016 |
url |
https://pasithee.library.upatras.gr/mmm/article/view/2727 |
work_keys_str_mv |
AT kunduracıaysun morphologythebaseprocessor AT gokselaslı morphologythebaseprocessor |
_version_ |
1771299012689788928 |