Number inflection in AN and NA Italian compounds
This paper aims at analysing a case of morphological variation in Italian, namely number inflection of two types of Italian compounds: Noun-Adjective (e.g. roccaNforteA ‘stronghold’) and Adjective-Noun (e.g. mezzaAlunaN ‘half-moon’) compounds. These compounds display both double inflection (e.g. cas...
Κύριος συγγραφέας: | |
---|---|
Μορφή: | Online |
Γλώσσα: | English |
Έκδοση: |
Mediterranean Morphology Meetings (MMM)
2017
|
Θέματα: | |
Διαθέσιμο Online: | https://pasithee.library.upatras.gr/mmm/article/view/2872 |
id |
oai:ojs.pasithee.library.upatras.gr:article-2872 |
---|---|
record_format |
ojs |
spelling |
oai:ojs.pasithee.library.upatras.gr:article-28722019-09-11T07:09:47Z Number inflection in AN and NA Italian compounds Micheli, M. Silvia compounding; Italian; overabundance; number inflection This paper aims at analysing a case of morphological variation in Italian, namely number inflection of two types of Italian compounds: Noun-Adjective (e.g. roccaNforteA ‘stronghold’) and Adjective-Noun (e.g. mezzaAlunaN ‘half-moon’) compounds. These compounds display both double inflection (e.g. cassePLfortiPL ‘safes’, doppiPLvetriPL ‘double glasses’), and external inflection (e.g. roccaSGfortiPL ‘strongholds’, doppioSGpettiPL ‘double-breasted’). Furthermore, in some cases the same compound shows both kinds of inflection, i.e. ‘overabundance’ (Thornton 2012). The analysis of both quantitative and qualitative data from a corpus of Contemporary Italian (i.e. itWaC) reveals that NA compounds do not show a consistent behavior in number inflection, since they are in general ancient and infrequent forms which originate in syntax and, in some cases, undergo lexicalization. On the other hand, AN compounds represent a morphological pattern mostly consisting of (sometimes still productive) series which display a transparent internal structure and a strong tendency to double inflection. Moreover, it appears from the examined data that although in most cases each compound seems to need an ad hoc explanation, frequency (especially for NA compounds) and belonging to a series (for AN compounds) can be considered as the most relevant factors for determining inflection. Mediterranean Morphology Meetings (MMM) 2017-01-01 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://pasithee.library.upatras.gr/mmm/article/view/2872 10.26220/mmm.2872 Mediterranean Morphology Meetings; Vol 11 (2017): Morphological Variation: Synchrony and Diachrony; 51-62 Mediterranean Morphology Meeting; Vol 11 (2017): Morphological Variation: Synchrony and Diachrony; 51-62 1826-7491 eng https://pasithee.library.upatras.gr/mmm/article/view/2872/3164 |
institution |
UPatras |
collection |
Pasithee |
language |
English |
topic |
0 0 0 0 0 computational morphology; paradigms; inflection; derivation; Levenshtein distance 0 0 0 0 0 0 morphological processing; stem frequency; Italian; masked priming 0 0 0 0 0 compound formation; morphological productivity; productivity measures; corpus-based statistical methods 0 0 0 0 0 0 suspended affixation; Lexical Integrity Hypothesis; derivational suffixes; coordination 0 0 roots; Hebrew; Spanish; cross-linguistic 0 0 0 0 0 motion events; typological change; Latin linguistics; sytem; usage 0 0 0 0 0 compounding; Italian; overabundance; number inflection 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 reciprocals; reflexives; templates; Hebrew; collective and distributive; root 0 0 features; morphology; periphrasis 0 0 0 0 |
spellingShingle |
0 0 0 0 0 computational morphology; paradigms; inflection; derivation; Levenshtein distance 0 0 0 0 0 0 morphological processing; stem frequency; Italian; masked priming 0 0 0 0 0 compound formation; morphological productivity; productivity measures; corpus-based statistical methods 0 0 0 0 0 0 suspended affixation; Lexical Integrity Hypothesis; derivational suffixes; coordination 0 0 roots; Hebrew; Spanish; cross-linguistic 0 0 0 0 0 motion events; typological change; Latin linguistics; sytem; usage 0 0 0 0 0 compounding; Italian; overabundance; number inflection 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 reciprocals; reflexives; templates; Hebrew; collective and distributive; root 0 0 features; morphology; periphrasis 0 0 0 0 Micheli, M. Silvia Number inflection in AN and NA Italian compounds |
topic_facet |
0 0 0 0 0 computational morphology; paradigms; inflection; derivation; Levenshtein distance 0 0 0 0 0 0 morphological processing; stem frequency; Italian; masked priming 0 0 0 0 0 compound formation; morphological productivity; productivity measures; corpus-based statistical methods 0 0 0 0 0 0 suspended affixation; Lexical Integrity Hypothesis; derivational suffixes; coordination 0 0 roots; Hebrew; Spanish; cross-linguistic 0 0 0 0 0 motion events; typological change; Latin linguistics; sytem; usage 0 0 0 0 0 compounding; Italian; overabundance; number inflection 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 reciprocals; reflexives; templates; Hebrew; collective and distributive; root 0 0 features; morphology; periphrasis 0 0 0 0 |
format |
Online |
author |
Micheli, M. Silvia |
author_facet |
Micheli, M. Silvia |
author_sort |
Micheli, M. Silvia |
title |
Number inflection in AN and NA Italian compounds |
title_short |
Number inflection in AN and NA Italian compounds |
title_full |
Number inflection in AN and NA Italian compounds |
title_fullStr |
Number inflection in AN and NA Italian compounds |
title_full_unstemmed |
Number inflection in AN and NA Italian compounds |
title_sort |
number inflection in an and na italian compounds |
description |
This paper aims at analysing a case of morphological variation in Italian, namely number inflection of two types of Italian compounds: Noun-Adjective (e.g. roccaNforteA ‘stronghold’) and Adjective-Noun (e.g. mezzaAlunaN ‘half-moon’) compounds. These compounds display both double inflection (e.g. cassePLfortiPL ‘safes’, doppiPLvetriPL ‘double glasses’), and external inflection (e.g. roccaSGfortiPL ‘strongholds’, doppioSGpettiPL ‘double-breasted’). Furthermore, in some cases the same compound shows both kinds of inflection, i.e. ‘overabundance’ (Thornton 2012). The analysis of both quantitative and qualitative data from a corpus of Contemporary Italian (i.e. itWaC) reveals that NA compounds do not show a consistent behavior in number inflection, since they are in general ancient and infrequent forms which originate in syntax and, in some cases, undergo lexicalization. On the other hand, AN compounds represent a morphological pattern mostly consisting of (sometimes still productive) series which display a transparent internal structure and a strong tendency to double inflection. Moreover, it appears from the examined data that although in most cases each compound seems to need an ad hoc explanation, frequency (especially for NA compounds) and belonging to a series (for AN compounds) can be considered as the most relevant factors for determining inflection. |
publisher |
Mediterranean Morphology Meetings (MMM) |
publishDate |
2017 |
url |
https://pasithee.library.upatras.gr/mmm/article/view/2872 |
work_keys_str_mv |
AT michelimsilvia numberinflectioninanandnaitaliancompounds |
_version_ |
1771299013542281216 |